There are obvious similarities with the Orange Revolution of 2004. The public is discontented, facing a situation of economic stagnation, social inequality, and lack of hope for a better future. Moldova is currently the poorest country in Europe with an average income of $250 per month. A high level of corruption among government officials goes along with the concentration of political power in the hands of a ruling clique. The concentration of most economic activity in the hands of President Vladimir Voronin's family and friends showcases the mafia-style politics that have thwarted democratic and economic development from taking place in Moldova. Geopolitical factors - intimidation from the Russian government and the prospect of assistance from the West - are additional pressures for change. In both Moldovan and Ukrainian cases, the trigger was the holding of elections with fraudulent practices by the incumbent administration.

However, there are three factors that distinguish the Moldovan case from its Ukrainian predecessor. First, the extent of the electoral fraud is unclear. The Communists won 50 percent of the vote (on an approximate 50 percent voter turnout) and the three opposition parties garnered 35 percent altogether. These results are in line with the pre-election polls carried out by international agencies. Furthermore, the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe did not cite any major incidents of fraud in their preliminary reports.

A second difference from the Orange Revolution is the absence of a strong opposition leader with a clear agenda for change. Unfortunately, Victor Yushchenko does not have a counterpart in Moldova, where the statements of the three opposition parties are as standardized and unsatisfactory as their tepid reactions to the violent demonstrations in Chisinau.

Thirdly, the nationalist dimension in Moldova sets it apart from the Ukrainian precedent. Some demonstrators waved the Romanian flag during protests and opposition leaders expressed the view that Moldova would be better off reuniting with Romania. In the meantime, Romanian President Traian Basescu announced that Romanian citizenship would be granted to all Moldovan citizens who request them. Up to this date, approximately one million requests for citizenship have been filed to the Romanian consulate in Chisinau. In a country of four million people, Moldovans who are granted Romanian citizenship would become by default European Union citizens. The Communist leadership in Moldova blames Romania for instigating Moldovan youth to unrest. President Voronin has expelled the Romanian ambassador from Chisinau, sealed the border over Prut and reintroduced visa requirements for Romanians.

The future remains uncertain for Moldova. President Voronin is due to step down, having completed two terms in office. The Moldovan Constitutional Court has ordered a vote recount; the Communists appear to have fallen one seat short of having a three-fifths majority in parliament, which would guarantee their nominee the presidency. The opposition, however, is insisting on analyzing electoral lists in order to prove that the Communists rigged the elections: "Dead people voted," said Vladimir Filat, leader of Moldova's Liberal Democratic Party. "People who have not lived in the country for a long time voted. People voted more than once."

Looking back at Ukraine's track record, color revolutions haven't fared so well. The country slid back into political factionalism and authoritarianism; Ukraine is not particularly better off now than it was prior to the democratizing revolution. Sure, having young people take over government buildings looks good on camera. But - the Greeks called it ochlocracy, or mob rule - mobs are a shaky foundation on which to build democracy.

Denisa Lazarescu is a graduate student in International Energy Policy and Economics at the Johns Hopkins University Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) Bologna Center in Italy.