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Syria-Iran-Turkey unite against the Kurds

Syria used to be the key sponsor of PKK rebels and a protected sanctuary for Iraqis mutineers opposed to Saddam Hussein regime. It funneled millions of dollars and tons of armaments just to undermine the Iraqi Baathist government.
Syria used to be the key sponsor of PKK rebels and a protected sanctuary for Iraqis mutineers opposed to Saddam Hussein regime. It funneled millions of dollars and tons of armaments just to undermine the Iraqi Baathist government. Syrian Relations between Iraq began to deteriorate horribly at the end of 1980 following the outbreak of Iraq-Iran war. In April 1982, Syria closed its borders with Iraq and cut off the flow of Iraqi oil through the pipeline that traversed Syrian territory to ports on the Mediterranean Sea. The cessation of Iraqi oil exports via this pipeline was a severe economic blow; Iraq interpreted the move as a confirmation of Syria's de facto alliance with Iran in the war. The fragile ties between the two countries remained the same until the collapse of the dictator regime of Saddam.

To spread out its regional supremacy, Iran did and does subsidize most radical Islamic groups through out the world. Unlike Syria, Iran has been dexterous to manipulate the Iraqi Kurds to further its political ends. Both prior and after the revolution, Kurds played a key role in compelling Baghdad to acquiesce against Iranian wills.

Ankara's constant territorial dispute with its contiguous countries remains unsettled to date. In the interim, Turkish authorities have bluntly held Iranian government accountable for increasing tension on armament and nuclear issues. Turkey also had threatened the use of force to end what it called an indirect war with Syria for its aid to PKK.

Correspondingly, while Saddam was still the head of state, he accused Tehran on many occasions for reviving the 1980-88 war over missile attacks on its eastern boarder which Iran subsequently claimed it as being a brief and offensive measure to thwart MKO (Mujahedin-e Khalq) infiltration on its perimeters. Saddam Hussein had ordered his intelligence to encourage the Baghdad-based Mujahedeen Khalq Organization to attack Iranian armed forces and assassinate officials. Iraqi intelligence had been ordered to give weapons and other support to Sunni in Baluchistan, Iranian Kurds, Turkomans in the desert north of Tehran and Arab Shiites in Ahvaz, near Iraq's border in the south. In the wake of the war, Iranian nationalism was also perceived the most momentous peril endangering Arab unity.

States that once had deep-rooted historical and ideological divergences, waged year-long ruinous wars, attempted to destabilize and rip down one another, accused each other of sheltering dissidents and meddling in each others domestic affairs are now putting aside their political and regional disagreements and centering their focus to cope with a common challenge.

They sign various economic, trade and defense agreements as well as Memorandums of Understanding on security cooperation. Iran puts rebels from the former Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), now known as Kongra-Gel, on its list of terror groups. In return, Turkey places the Iraq-based People's Mujahedeen (MKO) Iran's main opposition group on its terror list. They pledge to boost their trade and commerce ties. Iraqi oil minister signs an agreement with his Syrian counterpart to export crude oil to Syria from an oilfield close to the border. In return, Syria promises of supplying Iraq with refined petroleum products.

Iran and Syria signed an agreement for military cooperation against what they called the "common threats" presented by Israel, the United States and the Kurds. Syria has agreed to store Iranian materials and weapons if the United Nations imposes sanctions upon the Islamic state. In place, Iran committed to protecting any Syrian intelligence officers indicted by the UN or Lebanon. Arab governments once hostile to Iran have begun to soften their public posture after decades of animosity toward Tehran.

The very countries laying claim that they commiserate with Kurdish cause and vindicate the rights of our demoralized people for their own political justifications have risen ruminating how to destroy us. With no holds barred, they have pronounced that over and again that our ethnic existence can not be tolerated since it poses a major threat jeopardizing their national sovereignty and territorial integrity.

We are delimited by countries that not only disapprove of to our self-rule but also strongly repudiate our existential right. This is an unmistakable truth. "We are against ethnic, religious and tribal groups establishing a government. This would endanger the security of countries in the region. Four countries in the region -- Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey -- had Kurdish minorities." We -- Turkey, Iran Iraq, Syria -- are against them (Kurds) seceding to set up a government". Khatami told reporters after meeting Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Tajik President Emomali Rakhmonov.

Turkish pernicious role and ill intentions in South Kurdistan are public knowledge. All Turkey hounds is the prevention of an independent Kurdish state, the denial of Kurds control over the city of Kirkuk, the protection of the imperceptible Turkoman minority and the elimination of PKK forces. At present, with a two third of its army tied up in North Kurdistan, the cost of its military operations has amounted to between $10 billion and $12 billion a year. "We oppose a permanent Kurdish rule over territory in Northern Iraq by the two rival Kurdish factions. Iraq's territorial integrity should not be challenged or undermined in any way", said Turkish foreign minister.

The regional powers have portrayed their strong resolve in resisting us to death over the control of Kurdish city of Kirkuk (which they believe would give the Kurds the economic power to pursue independence and/or pan-Kurdish foreign policies) as well as provincial federation.

Before the initiation of any joint military intervention, it should wisely be allowed for that any invasion or attempt of invading South Kurdistan could turn the whole region in to an unmanageable upheaval and totally knock off balance of the entire Middle East. The implementation of such an ill-advised step could from top to bottom paralyze the economy and security of the adjacent countries and dispossess them of any potential regional opulence

Beleaguered by a set of oppressive and totalitarian countries, Kurdistan has a long-drawn-out and treacherous way ahead.

Syria-Iran-Turkey unite against the Kurds

Syria used to be the key sponsor of PKK rebels and a protected sanctuary for Iraqis mutineers opposed to Saddam Hussein regime. It funneled millions of dollars and tons of armaments just to undermine the Iraqi Baathist government.
Syria used to be the key sponsor of PKK rebels and a protected sanctuary for Iraqis mutineers opposed to Saddam Hussein regime. It funneled millions of dollars and tons of armaments just to undermine the Iraqi Baathist government. Syrian Relations between Iraq began to deteriorate horribly at the end of 1980 following the outbreak of Iraq-Iran war. In April 1982, Syria closed its borders with Iraq and cut off the flow of Iraqi oil through the pipeline that traversed Syrian territory to ports on the Mediterranean Sea. The cessation of Iraqi oil exports via this pipeline was a severe economic blow; Iraq interpreted the move as a confirmation of Syria's de facto alliance with Iran in the war. The fragile ties between the two countries remained the same until the collapse of the dictator regime of Saddam.

To spread out its regional supremacy, Iran did and does subsidize most radical Islamic groups through out the world. Unlike Syria, Iran has been dexterous to manipulate the Iraqi Kurds to further its political ends. Both prior and after the revolution, Kurds played a key role in compelling Baghdad to acquiesce against Iranian wills.

Ankara's constant territorial dispute with its contiguous countries remains unsettled to date. In the interim, Turkish authorities have bluntly held Iranian government accountable for increasing tension on armament and nuclear issues. Turkey also had threatened the use of force to end what it called an indirect war with Syria for its aid to PKK.

Correspondingly, while Saddam was still the head of state, he accused Tehran on many occasions for reviving the 1980-88 war over missile attacks on its eastern boarder which Iran subsequently claimed it as being a brief and offensive measure to thwart MKO (Mujahedin-e Khalq) infiltration on its perimeters. Saddam Hussein had ordered his intelligence to encourage the Baghdad-based Mujahedeen Khalq Organization to attack Iranian armed forces and assassinate officials. Iraqi intelligence had been ordered to give weapons and other support to Sunni in Baluchistan, Iranian Kurds, Turkomans in the desert north of Tehran and Arab Shiites in Ahvaz, near Iraq's border in the south. In the wake of the war, Iranian nationalism was also perceived the most momentous peril endangering Arab unity.

States that once had deep-rooted historical and ideological divergences, waged year-long ruinous wars, attempted to destabilize and rip down one another, accused each other of sheltering dissidents and meddling in each others domestic affairs are now putting aside their political and regional disagreements and centering their focus to cope with a common challenge.

They sign various economic, trade and defense agreements as well as Memorandums of Understanding on security cooperation. Iran puts rebels from the former Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), now known as Kongra-Gel, on its list of terror groups. In return, Turkey places the Iraq-based People's Mujahedeen (MKO) Iran's main opposition group on its terror list. They pledge to boost their trade and commerce ties. Iraqi oil minister signs an agreement with his Syrian counterpart to export crude oil to Syria from an oilfield close to the border. In return, Syria promises of supplying Iraq with refined petroleum products.

Iran and Syria signed an agreement for military cooperation against what they called the "common threats" presented by Israel, the United States and the Kurds. Syria has agreed to store Iranian materials and weapons if the United Nations imposes sanctions upon the Islamic state. In place, Iran committed to protecting any Syrian intelligence officers indicted by the UN or Lebanon. Arab governments once hostile to Iran have begun to soften their public posture after decades of animosity toward Tehran.

The very countries laying claim that they commiserate with Kurdish cause and vindicate the rights of our demoralized people for their own political justifications have risen ruminating how to destroy us. With no holds barred, they have pronounced that over and again that our ethnic existence can not be tolerated since it poses a major threat jeopardizing their national sovereignty and territorial integrity.

We are delimited by countries that not only disapprove of to our self-rule but also strongly repudiate our existential right. This is an unmistakable truth. "We are against ethnic, religious and tribal groups establishing a government. This would endanger the security of countries in the region. Four countries in the region -- Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey -- had Kurdish minorities." We -- Turkey, Iran Iraq, Syria -- are against them (Kurds) seceding to set up a government". Khatami told reporters after meeting Afghan President Hamid Karzai and Tajik President Emomali Rakhmonov.

Turkish pernicious role and ill intentions in South Kurdistan are public knowledge. All Turkey hounds is the prevention of an independent Kurdish state, the denial of Kurds control over the city of Kirkuk, the protection of the imperceptible Turkoman minority and the elimination of PKK forces. At present, with a two third of its army tied up in North Kurdistan, the cost of its military operations has amounted to between $10 billion and $12 billion a year. "We oppose a permanent Kurdish rule over territory in Northern Iraq by the two rival Kurdish factions. Iraq's territorial integrity should not be challenged or undermined in any way", said Turkish foreign minister.

The regional powers have portrayed their strong resolve in resisting us to death over the control of Kurdish city of Kirkuk (which they believe would give the Kurds the economic power to pursue independence and/or pan-Kurdish foreign policies) as well as provincial federation.

Before the initiation of any joint military intervention, it should wisely be allowed for that any invasion or attempt of invading South Kurdistan could turn the whole region in to an unmanageable upheaval and totally knock off balance of the entire Middle East. The implementation of such an ill-advised step could from top to bottom paralyze the economy and security of the adjacent countries and dispossess them of any potential regional opulence

Beleaguered by a set of oppressive and totalitarian countries, Kurdistan has a long-drawn-out and treacherous way ahead.

Human rights violation on the increase in Turkey

Ako Ahamd

A special report on the status quo in North Kurdistan

Since the outset of the cold-blooded and baseless aggression that the Turkish belligerent government has triggered to repress the peaceful and independent voices of the people of North Kurdistan, the state of human rights has radically descended from bad to worse.

With full intent, all human rights groups and UN representatives have been denied access to make any assessment of the deteriorating state of affairs and outsiders urged not to interfere.

According to eye-witnesses, "The status quo is horrendous and irrepressible in the region. The religious and ethnic minorities have been subject to double suppression by the Turkish rigid regime. The atrocious aerial bombardments of residential areas of Amed and surrounding villages, indiscriminate bombings, rocketing and other artillery attacks on the Kurdish civilian-populated areas and reprisal killings of civilians by Turkish Armed Forced continues to intensify. More and more innocent civilians are killed under the alleged reason of combating terrorism and the heaviest damages have been inflicted to both the economy and infrastructure of North Kurdistan. In a joint military operation, massive Iranian and Turkish forces have advanced en route for the state lines.

Tens of Hundreds of more Kurdish political activists are reported to have been abducted, arrested and killed and many still linger in prison. With their whereabouts entirely restricted during the periods of incommunicado detention, the detainees are being callously tortured and pressured into making spurious confessions. The government has set up special courts wielding absolute power with absolute authority to alter or reverse any other decision that has been handed down by any other courts without formal judicial review. The death penalty handed down in connection with charges of membership in certain political groups (suspected sympathizers of PKK) is massively on the rise. State sponsored discrimination based solely on affiliation in a particular ethnic group has been more austere and discrimination, deprivation, alienation or oppression has fully risen to the level of persecution."

As a mechanism for silencing criticism and political opponents, the totalitarian Turkish government has constantly resorted to carrying out the most despicable human rights abuses against the peace-loving and freedom-loving masses of North Kurdistan.

At present, the situation in North Kurdistan is extremely perilous and requires immediate international humanitarian assistance. Despite the United States massive efforts to eliminate totalitarianism and totalitarian regimes, promote democracy and liberate the oppressed nations from the hands of oppressors, the major architects of such heinous offenses are immune for carrying them out overtly.

Incapacity to meet Kurds demands and rights, and denial of such rights under the ploy of conspiracy theories and alien involvement and walking towards disintegration will not address this enduring concern. These issues exist and require mutual compromise. The U.S. should help foster negotiations leading to a political resolution to the current crisis.
There are estimated fifteen to twenty million Kurds residing in North Kurdistan. The fate of this people totally depends on the civilized and philanthropist nations of the world.

The U.S. has the humane option of standing on the side of the brave people who have not given up hope in spite of confronting brutal regimes and its regional supporters, and are fighting for democratic amendments.

President Bush has vowed to spread democracy through out the world. As he mentioned in his inaugural address after his swearing-in ceremony, "It is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. Through U.S. efforts, "we have lit a fire ... it warms those who feel its power, it burns those who fight its progress, and one day this untamed fire of freedom will reach the darkest corners of our world."

When this struggle succeeds to eliminate the unjust governments of Turkey, Syria and Iran, the causes of terror, not only the people of Kurdistan will embrace peace and justice, but the regional stability shall engulf the entire Middle East.

Why would sunni iraqis want a split when they will have very little or insignificany amount of OIL ?
Look at a map showing oil deposits in iraq and demographic distribution.
Iraqi Sunnis who are causing a civil war are being very shortsighted and only helping Saudi Arabia

It is time for Turkey to be absolutely rational!

Turkey says Kurdish control of Kirkuk is unacceptable. Turkey is the only country in the world to say so. This fact alone should make it pause and ponder: Why am I in this lonely "unacceptable" position?

Is it unacceptable for a people dispossessed, displaced, deported and decimated by fascist dictatorial regimes for the last 40 years to celebrate their freedom, afforded by President Bush's and Mr Blair's courageous moral stand against oppression. We have given blood, toil and tears and suffered genocide for this day. The principles that President Bush, Mr Blair, UN, European Union and any other democratic organisations promote for the new liberated Iraq is that, after decades of despotism and dictatorship, the peoples and the populations of Iraqi cities and towns must take control of their own lives and destinies.

But perhaps Turkey wants the peshmargas and the population of Kirkuk evacuates THEIR city to replace them with its own Saddamite gendarmes and militias. Even comic Saeed, Saddam's information minister, will think of this as a crazy suicidal idea.

What does Turkey want?
Why do the ideas of human rights, freedom and self-determination frighten it so much?
Sorry, mates! It is not our fault that the earth under your feet has shaken and the world around you has changed thanks to the gift of freedom from America not only to Kurdistani and Iraqi peoples but, hopefully, to all peoples of the Middle East.

But, friends, you are supposed to be a democracy. A potential European democracy. So you should be able more than any other country in the Middle East to adjust to these changes and join the front of freedom and justice.

It is time you paused, pondered and made new rational strategic plans not based on militarism and fascism but based on democracy and freedom.

Get rid of your arms and armies. Use this money to feed your people and finance your collapsing economy.

Don't be afraid of us, Kurds, please. You know that the only thing we want is dialogue and democracy. We hate war, fighting and death. We welcome friendship, cooperation and peaceful coexistence.

That is what we can offer you any time you stretch your hand.
And I think you can only win by stretching your hand of friendship to us instead of sending your threats and tanks.

Please pause and ponder and don't boast and blunder.

Kurds must unite now!


The collapse of the Saddam regime has shown us that Kurds should come together urgently. In particular by the fall of the city of Kirkuk Turkish government has declared its anti-Kurd stance and intimidated the Kurds that she can invade South Kurdistan should Kurds stay in Kirkuk and Mosul. History has proven that it is not a good policy to follow USA in order to get a free Kurdish land. All Kurds from all part of Kurdistan and all Kurdish political party get together and have to determine a national policy and stand for South Kurdistan.

This is a national need for all Kurds. It is not the time for discussing the political differences between Kurdish political party, PDK, YNK and KADEK/PKK and political parties from East Kurdistan, and should declare that they are the only representatives of the Kurds, not Americans.

Kurds do not need any advice from USA or Turks for deciding their future or for recapturing their old cities!

All Kurds around the world, without thinking about the political differences between them, are supposed to rally and make demonstration in every city, place where they are living and demand a free South Kurdistan. It is time for action! And we must state that Kirkuk and Mosul belong to all nations in which they are living, including Kurds.

We, Kurds, demand our self-determination right. No one can discuss our right to rule our own homeland. Not even the current American administration. If we do not want to be frustrated by Americans again, and not to be betrayed again by the so called the friend of the Kurds, as a nation Kurds ought to form and declare a national South Kurdistan policy as soon as possible. Every Kurds should do something, because every Kurds from any part of Kurdistan, has the right to say something of the future of their country.

I personally support the idea of Prof Mehrdad R. Izady and back his manifestation unconditionally. We have two or three different KNK (Kongreya Netewiya Kurdistan-National Congress of Kurdistan), now it is the time to create one and real KNK for all Kurds!

Kurds do not have to suffer because of the shortsighted political party leaders anymore. If any political party leaders refuse come together and create a joint front for all Kurds, every Kurdish individual has the right to oppose this kind of manners. If the leaders do not come together all Kurdish individual come together without consideration of their different political view.

It is the time for action our future is important and can not be leave to the mercy of the Americans and Turks or our shortsighted political leaders. We are only supposed to support those who work for the unity of our nation, otherwise the going to be betrayed again.

The looming civil war in Iraq and the dawn of freedom in Kurdistan

As the Shiite-Sunni sectarian conflict rages on in Iraq and threatens a Balkan-type vicious civil war, there is hope and joy of Kurdistan at the freedom brought on by American liberation of Iraq. Kurdistan, used to be known as the so-called 'northern Iraq", now is the most friendly place to and political entity to America in the world.

Hundreds of members of American-Kurdish community in Texas gathered at 12:00 Noon this Sunday (March 26) at White Rock Lake (8100 Doran Circle, Dallas, Texas 75238.) to celebrate freedom and hope of the Kurdish Newroz celebration. The two superb Kurdish artists Omer Gundy & Dler entertained the Kurds with their superb songs about love, freedom, and Kurdistan.

Avery very long time ago a tyrant named Zuhak was the ruling Kurdistan. He would drink the blood of a Kurdish young man everyday. 2706 years the Kurdish people, under the brave leadership of blacksmith named Kawa, rose against the bloodthirsty king and overthrew the monster ruler. To celebrate the new dawn of freedom, the people of Kurdistan set bonfires on mountaintops of every area of Kurdistan. This tradition still goes on the first day of spring of every year.

This year's great anniversary coincides with the third anniversary U.S. victory and liberation of Iraq and Kurdistan of another Zuhak named Saddam Hussein. The modern day Zuhak was as sadistic, vicious, cruel, danger, and monster as the Zuhak of more than 2,000 years ago,

The large festival of freedom and hope was this Sunday. Kurds thanked God and America. While the sick minds of Arab fanatics beheads Americans in the south and middle of Iraq, the Kurds in Kurdistan treat Americans as saviors and Angels. There has not been a single American casualty in Kurdistan. It is safer for American soldiers to be in Arbil, Kurdistan than in Fort Hood base at Killen, Texas

If the current vicious strife between Shiites and Sunnis turns into civil war in Iraq, we ask America to help Kurds declare full independence to Kurdistan and Kirkuk be its capital.

May God bless Kurdistan & America.

May freedom ring in all parts of Kurdistan.

The Kurdish Community in Texas

Comment: Kurdish mother: "My son, please do not speak our language!"
Dear Metin,

I read your article and, knowing many Kurdish people who come from Northern Kurdistan who speak no Kurdish language, I really feel for you.

Kirkuk and Batman have oil and that means Kurdistan will be important to the people who control the internet, the west. Your language will rise as western companies try to please you to do deals on your oil. Use the situation; the west has used you, now Kurds should use the west.

Your language is one of the most beautiful languages I have ever heard, Sorani provides the poetry, music and the romance of the Latin languages whilst Bahdini/Kirmanj gives us an Ango-Saxon style exactness (brilliant in the lyrics of Shivan Perwar), it is a language for every purpose. It does need to be re-united in one single definitive Kurdish language dictionary because your language has been criminalised, separated, invaded by other languages. This beautiful language is all there, waiting to be re-unified.

It is up to us to promote Kurdish language in Turkey. Whilst us Europeans owe you our support for all of the things our countries have done against the Kurdish nation in the past, it is also up to the Kurdish people to promote Kurdish culture and language. If I can meet Kurdish asylum seekers (in the year 2000) who could not speak English and start teaching them English the very next day, the Kurdish people can start teaching the Kurdish children their own beautiful language.

I know you have suffered in North Kurdistan but things have changed and they will change more. The current problems have not helped the Kurdish situation there but things will become settled soon. When I first visited Silopi I realised my biggest dream was to open Kurdish language schools in North Kurdistan where I would teach English language and Economics to Kurdish children so that they could go on to build the nation of Kurdistan. This is now legal in Turkish law but I do not want to build a school so that a riot can happen and the school be destroyed!

If PKK and their "baby", the Kurdish Freedom Falcons, continue making trouble, how can I get British organisations to give money for a school that could be destroyed as soon as it is built?

What we need is responsible behaviour from Kurdish political parties.

Again, I know the dangers you have faced because of the Turkish attitude to your language but let's look to the future and expand the Kurdish language's use. When your people here are asked "What country do you come from?" they often answer "Iraq" and I shout at them. I tell them that, when a Scot stops saying "I come from Scotland" then Scotland will die. When Kurds stop saying "I come from Kurdistan", then that will be the end of Kurdistan. Kurds do not come from Iraq, Turkey, Iran or Syria, they come from Kurdistan. I understand this, why do the Kurdish people have a problem with the idea?

In the name of GREAT KURDISTAN .

KURDISH LANGUAGE IS NOT AN IRANIAN LANGUAGE .

In some significant cases, there is a confusing mess in the actual cognition and real understanding of The Kurds , by other nations of the world , in particular by linguistic circles of European and Transatlantic countries , which is partly due to a misinterpretation and/or malapropism of the words .

For example , we observe frequently , that some linguists there , refer to Kurdish Language as an Iranian Language , which in fact , this strange hypothesis is not matching with the prevailing reality .

What is Iranian Language ?

In general , up to end of Qajarieh era and beginning of Pahlavi dynasty , Iran of today was referred to as " PERSIA " , which means FARSLAND or country of Farses . Even , in the literary eloquent masterpieces of these four leading Persian poets , i.e. Sadi , Hafez , Maulawai and Nezami , you can not find the word "Iran " at all . While they have used other geographical terms very frequently , such as Fars , Turkistan , Baghdad , Bukhara , Yaman , Sham , Tabriz , Iraq , Shiraz , Hindustan , China , Samarqand and tens of other geographical places . This circumstance affirms my view , that even at those poet's days , the word "Iran" was not in use . If another Persian poet , Abulqasem Ferdowsi has utilized the word "Iran ", in his Shahnameh , this was an antonym of word "Turan " , not country or land of Persia .

When some linguists who are inspired by indirect political spur , claim that Kurdish language is an Iranian language , it is a total counterfeit . Because Kurdish language is older than the new political word of " Iran " , emerged in the beginning of 20th century .

Kurdish language is an Aryan tongue , and a sister language of Tajik , Gilak , Baluch etc . It is the mother tongue of Persian ( Farsi ) , because Kurdish is older than Persian . One can't imagine that the Persian Language , from Shiraz even plains has entered the impassable ragged and rocky mountains of Hauraman , Barzan , Qandil , Agri etc . So, Persian is the same old Kurdish language , which is mixed and consequently deformed by the intrusive entry of the frequent invaders and occupiers of Persia , such as Greeks , Tatars , Arabs , Mongols , Russians and Turks etc .

So, Kurdish is not an Iranian Language , rather it is AN ARYAN ONE .

If the 40- million Kurds were not able to unite together in all 4 occupied of Kurdistan, it is because countries like Turkey, Syria and Iran (the members of Axis of Evils) did not want them, too. They did create discrepancy and planted the seeds of disaccord among them. But that time is gone. The Kurds have known their true friends and enemies now. They will not be taken advantage of again.

To all Talebani and Barzani family members that have written above:

Will both of your families completely let go of their grip of Iraqi Kurdistan if there is a separation? Or will you both follow the Hafiz Assad School of Political Management? Salvation comes from within.

The U.S. wants an Iraq that is not hostile to it, as was Saddam's Iraq. That is why the U.S. removed Saddam. Without assurance that dividing Iraq up sectarianly would not result in any of the sectarian parts being hostile to the U.S., that is not a direction the U.S. should embrace. Of course, the U.S. may not have a choice.

Women Rights in Kurdistan

Sara Kurdistani

Thousands of women throughout Kurdistan live in conditions of abject deprivation of, and attacks against, their fundamental human rights for no other reason than that they are women. Abuses against our women are relentless, systematic, and widely tolerated, if not explicitly condoned. Today, violence and discrimination against women are global social epidemics. Men use domestic violence to diminish women's autonomy and sense of self-worth. In some rural and backward areas in Kurdistan, It is a common practice that some men beat up their women in the home at astounding rates, restricts women's participation in public life, force women to marry and spend life with men they do not desire. Women are unable to depend on the regional government to protect them from physical violence in the home. Some husbands and other male family members obstruct or dictate women's not to have access to health care. Women's ability to enter and remain in the work force is obstructed by private employers who use women's reproductive status to exclude them from work and by discriminatory employment laws or discriminatory enforcement of the law. The figure of destitute and underprivileged women in Kurdistan is mind-boggling. No crucial measures have been initiated to address their concerns. The ration of unemployment and illiteracy is amazingly soaring. They cope with the lake of specialized skills to qualify for job opportunities. It is the responsibility of the regional government to further promote education, provide health care, employment, set up schooling centers and raise the level of public awareness among women.

Article 1 of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women states:

"Freedoms in the political, economic, social, cultural, civil or any other field." Any distinction, exclusion or restriction made on the basis of sex which has the effect or purpose of impairing or nullifying the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by women, irrespective of their marital status, on the basis of equality of men and women, of human rights and fundamental."

We denounce as human rights violations those practices and policies that suppress and subordinate women. We refuse specific legal, cultural, or religious practices by which women are systematically discriminated against, excluded from political participation and public life, segregated in their daily lives, beaten in their homes, denied equal divorce or inheritance rights, killed for having sex, forced to marry, assaulted for not conforming to gender norms, and sold into forced labor. Arguments that sustain and excuse these human rights abuses - those of cultural norms, "appropriate" rights for women, or western imperialism - barely disguise their true meaning: That woman's lives matter less than men's. Cultural relativism, which argues that there are no universal human rights and that rights are culture-specific and culturally determined, is still a formidable and corrosive challenge to women's rights to equality and dignity in all facets of their lives.

We should fight against Kurdish women dehumanization and marginalization. We have to further promote women's equal rights and human dignity. The realization of women's rights is a global struggle based on universal human rights and the rule of law. It requires all of us to unite in solidarity to end traditions, practices, and laws that harm women. It is a fight for freedom to be fully and completely human and equal without apology or permission. Ultimately, the struggle for women's human rights must be about making women's lives matter everywhere all the time. In practice, this means taking action to stop discrimination and violence against women.

The Threat of an Overpowering Islamic Fundamentalist regime in Iraq

Baqi Barzani

Islam (a religion) is not the challenge, but Islamism (a totalitarian ideology) is. Islamism is not so much a distortion of Islam, but a radically new interpretation. It politicizes the religion, turning it into a blueprint for institutionalizing a coerced utopia. In many ways, the programs assimilate to those of fascism and Marxism/Leninism. Conservative, militant Islamists view democracy as a morally bankrupt ideological construct because any kind of legislation goes against the heart of what they perceive as fundamentalist Islam, given by Allah and the Koran, that the laws are laid in the Koran rather than being able to be constructed by human agency. A number of lately unchained clerics in Iraq advocate a theocracy modeled on neighboring Iran, which Bush included as a member of the "axis of evil" with Saddam Hussein's Iraq. In reality, U.S. fears of Iran were so great during the 1980s that the Reagan administration supported Hussein as a counterweight. As the insurgency persists in Iraq, the risk is that the country becomes a regional training ground for terrorists - as Afghanistan was in the 1990s - creating newly radicalized and experienced jihadis who return home to cause trouble in Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Egypt, and elsewhere.

Critics have long contended that the resistance to U.S. occupation is indigenous-- and to some degree it is-- but in effect it is being driven mostly by foreign jihadists. Evidence has come to light validating the involvement of foreign fighters in various suicide bombings in Iraq. A large number of foreign fighters captured in the northeast region of Iraq being in U.S.-led coalition's custody, come from countries like Syria, Saudi, Yemen, Egypt, Palestine. .The invasion of Iraq by these holy warriors will undercut any legitimacy the Iraqi resistance may have. As we have seen in many countries the advent of foreign fighters into a conflict often devalues underlying-- and often legitimate-- political grievances. Also, these jihadists have no compunction in killing innocent people because the end justifies the means. These foreigners are the ones kidnapping Westerners, committing suicide attacks that kill hundreds of innocent citizens and shore up the disarray. It is patent that the pathway into Iraq for many foreign fighters is through Syria. The regime of President Bashar Assad eases foreign fighters' activities by letting them enter Syria, giving them required papers and, at times, arming before permitting them to cross into Iraq. Damascus also allows the fighters to re-enter Syria to rest and reorganize.

Saudi is the greatest manufacturer and exporter of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism in the form of Wahhabism (radical, anti-West Islamic teachings) and propagation and enormous financial support for terrorist organizations operating in Iraq.Wahhabism leads, as we have seen, to the birth of extremist, closed, and fanatical streams, that accuse others of heresy, abolish them, and destroy them. Saudi Arabia is an autocracy of the worst kind. In that country, the exercise of tyranny is applied for the perpetuation of a family rule, and for the enforcement of religious observance. The legitimacy of the former rests on the enforcement of the latter

Some of these fanatics dream of implementing a strict version of Islamic fundamentalist codes similar to the one in Afghanistan under the Taliban rule. A religious tyranny of the worst kind in the history. Even now, when Afghanistan has a new democratic constitution, the remnants of that religious tyranny are quite active, looking for opportunities to dismantle the fledgling democratic order and reestablish their version of Islamic government.

Some Shiite clerics wish to pursue the standard of the so-called revolutionary-thesis that aspired to be exported to neighboring countries; it is now reduced to a phenomenon that is focused on self-destruction. The Islamic hardliners who refuse to budge in the wake of growing demands from their young citizens for democratic reforms. Iran's mullahs are bent on preventing a stable and democratic Iraq from taking shape. In the aftermath of the war in Iraq, Tehran has dispatched thousands of its well-trained agents to that country to undermine the efforts of the coalition forces to restore calm and security in Iraq.

Similarity, Iran considers an escalation of the Jihad for the freedom of Iraq a key to the assertion of its own strategic importance, mostly under the auspices of its own Islamic block. Indeed, Iran sees Iraq, because it is the land of the Ayatollah Khomeni's roots, as sacred ground and is using that fact to instill ideological zeal in the various nationals who make up Tehran's terrorist infrastructure. Not out of the blue, having taken the proverbial tiger by the tail and invested such prestige in the "Islamization" of Iraq, Tehran now finds itself committed to fighting for it. Beyond Syria and Egypt, the radical Islamic movements, as well as several Saudi, Gulf Arab, and other supporters of Islamist causes, put Iraq high on their list of jihads to be fought.

CONCLUSION

Iraqi Muslims generally express a loathing for Wahhabis, Salafis, or Saudi-inspired ultra fundamentalists under any other name. If Iraqis succeed in rebuilding their state and society and creating representative institutions, I really believe Iraq will serve as an example for other authoritarian Arab states and enlightened liberal Islamists. Iraqi people offered immense sacrifices to liberate Iraq from the hands of tyrants and dictators. Foreign terrorists and the enemies of Iraq try to sow the seeds of hatred, spite and enmity among Iraqi citizens. To achieve their political objectives, they misinterpret and misuse the religion. The foundations of fundamentalism and terrorism must be uprooted in order to restore stability, peace and fraternity and replace that with love, affection and understanding. A prosperous and strong Iraq can be constructed on the pillars of human rights, democracy andfreedom

If not split, Iraq will become another Afghanista.

Baqi Barzani

Dictatorship has vanished, a representative self-government formed, democratization course enforced, economic sanction lifted, international humanitarian relief and reconstruction efforts are underway but still we are far away from our main goal. It has been more than 2 years but the US has failed to thwart the long-term insurgency and establish peace and stability. Despite spending its most budgets on military and intelligence operations, reorganizing, and training Iraqi forces to tackle with terrorism and secure their sovereignty and liberty, innocent civilians are killed and terrorized on the streets every day. Suicide bombing, sabotage and terrorism redirected by influential regional powers are to blame for these atrocities. The basis for the escalating number of attacks on U.S troops is not likely to have anything to do with the former regime loyalists. An end to the occupation should have been immediate had the U.S been acting in the interests of Iraqi's and not their own agenda. Anger, frustration, and hostility amongst the Iraqi population directed at the occupying forces climb day by day. Iraqi people now believe that the American-led occupation of their country is doing more harm than good. Opposition and anti-Americanism sentiment has intensified more than ever.

Although Saddam resorted to force and terror to overcome the issue of order and stability but Iraq was a stable society. Whatever violence did arise was premeditated violence planned by the state. Under absolute power, It could be switched on or off upon demand from Saddam, its dictator. The then dilemmas he coped with were more the external pressure and economic sanctions. The dynamics that led to the retreats of Iraq were mostly the imposing wars and fragile economy. Even during the war with Iran, subjection to UN economic sanctions, and invasion of Kuwait, Iraq had not experienced such instability.

Iraq is being transformed to what Afghanistan was in the 1980s. Militants are turning the resistance into an international jihadist movement. Foreign fighters coming from different parts of the world are merging as cells or complete units with Iraqis. If the occupation persists long, Iraq would be a productive ground for international Islamic fundamentalism similar to the case of soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Keeping in mind that these terrorists are bred, financed and sponsored by radical Arab states, any Islamic Arab nation is not an easy front to win for US.

Status quos in Iraq

Dana Aso

Courtiers which peak the current terrorism agenda are countries with global political-military involvement. Terrorism and humanitarian upheavals share the same roots in the form of poverty, underdevelopment, social exploitation, identity- based conflict, structural violence, and even globalization itself. Today Iraq has become one of those countries. Iraqi-terrorist nexus is more disconcerting and tangible in the wake of the war than it was before the war. Even though I though the U.S. would be able to rebuild the Iraqi infrastructure fairly quickly, thus achieving enough Iraqi backing for the next chapter of instituting at least a nominally independent Iraqi regime. But the drive, from the U.S. viewpoint, is now all in the wrong course.

Saddam's intrusion in Israeli-Palestinian issue obliquely by offering rewards to families of Palestinian suicide bombers, developing weapons of mass destruction and giving refugee to al Qaida-linked outfits and terrorists having been operating in the northern Kurdish territory were some of the causes the U.S. invaded Iraq. There are people up to now that still believe the war in Iraq was but for oil, defacto colonialism, and global hegemony.

Virtually all the violence in Iraq is coming from the twenty percent of the population that are Sunni Arabs. The fact that radical Islamist and Arab nationalist terrorists (or freedom fighters, depending on your perspective I guess) are streaming (perhaps not actually streaming) into Iraq to look for mostly but not solely American targets is supposed to be a big break in the Holy War on Americans. Thousands of violent Sunnis have been in prison and questioned and it is pretty patent from those interviews that the fighting in Iraq comes from several sources. There are surely multiple groups operating against U.S. forces in Iraq and warns there could be more. So far we can be fairly certain there are bits and pieces of the old Saddamite Baath party, who may or may not be cooperating with present admin; there are also many Sunni Arabs operating on their own to counter those foreigners who would allow the majority Shia and Kurds to rule the nation. And then there were the foreign fighters, who saw Saddam as a great Arab hero and the Sunni Arab cause worthy of support.

The greater part Shiites have remained moderately soft and some have even combined forces with U.S. military. They believe that if a democracy ever is established, they will rule Iraq by sheer power of numbers (Shiites are nearly 60 percent of Iraqi population) when the Yankees leave. But if attacks from Sunni elements prolong, the Shiites will have a reason not to let the Sunnis be viewed as the only Iraqi forces pestering the Americans and eventually, perhaps, being largely in charge for hounding he Americans out.

Other cause of credible hostility is made of tension within the various ethnic and religious communities. Because each ethnic and/or religious community is in a majority in its neck of the wood, the multi-ethnic capital, Baghdad, being the exemption, there is little risk of sectarian wars. But intra-community violence cannot be ruled out. After all, the two main Kurdish groups did fight several mini-wars between themselves in the 1990s.

At least other smaller Kurdish groups financed by Iran, could also trigger violence in the Kurdish areas. In Mosul and Kirkuk, the prospect of clash pitting Kurds against Turcomans, and both of them against Yazidis, and Assyro-Chaldaens cannot be ruled out. Even the Shiite community, accounting for 60 percent of the population, is not immune to internecine feuds. The struggle over the control of the key religious centers of Najaf and Karbala is already there.

There are some less violent habits and customs in Iraq which make reconstruction the country and setting up a regime very complex. The principal dilemma is corruption in public and private sectors and the large number of Iraqis who will not take blame for their actions. These self-destructive customs has been around for a long time and result in a general lack of personal responsibility for corrupt acts. For too many Iraqis, the national mantra appears to be "It's not my fault, it's your fault." Iraqis steal public money, fail to carry out public and private duties, and then lie about it, or insist they were forced to do it by "others." Keeping everyone honest is a huge problem. While many Iraqis are reliable and honest, they are often opposed and sabotaged by those who are not. All too often, the honest and responsible Iraqis are outnumbered, or outgunned, by more corrupt and violent Iraqis. The Sunni Arabs have made corruption a government tool, backed up by a readiness to use violence on those who do not want to make a deal.

INDEPENDENCE IS THE SOLE ULTIMATUM

Kamal Rajab

Some of us might have speculated that the fall of dictatorship would guarantee a declaration to the long-term question of independence for the homeless and drifting Kurdish people but it has further been complicated after the so-called 'constitutional procedures '.

At the inception of the drafting process, we have not been and will not be able to set aside our discrepancies in the nonstop political process with the participating Sunni delegates due to their radical and chauvinist principles. The alleged " constitution " is not only strengthening insurgency, ethnic and sectarian violence but also leading the nation to a civil war. The Iraq's Sunni Arabs elements mostly remnants of Baath regime have strictly balked at the draft constitution, believing it would eventually empower the Kurds in the north to establish their own independent Kurdish state. The Sunnis are waging a campaign of fear to defeat the referendum. This involves tactics such as refusing to recognize the legitimacy of the process in advance, threatening to refuse to negotiate after a Yes, threats of a civil war and fuel insurgency.

We are not bound by any cultural, linguistic or historic relationship to the Shiites nor Sunni Arabs. Being supportive to the cause of the independence is not only our moral right but also burning for our national interest. We have resorted to a number of tactics including: militancy, peace and negotiations as possible ways to achieve independence. After decades of struggle, we stand miles away from independence. We have tried out friends and their pledges; we now know where we stand in the world. We have learnt a lesson, although a bitter one, but we are getting more and more definite about our destination. The Kurdish people have offered huge sacrifices for the sake of independence, but they feel they were betrayed by their `friends'. Kurds now know that they have to fight this fight on their own. The struggle has seen its ups and downs, and all that is a part of the independence struggle, but it is worthy to ensure that the struggle persists. No power on earth can deprive the Kurds from their right of self-determination. They have to clarify without any ambiguities what they mean by 'independence' or 'right of self determination'. Once that is clear in their minds, as it is increasingly becoming clear to them that even their very close friends have their own axe to grind, and then they can only rely on the true nationalist leadership.

The struggle has entered into a new phase, and for this new phase we need to have a new strategy. The strategy we had at the beginning of the present struggle will on longer be relevant to this new phase. We can learn from our mistakes and see what went wrong in the struggle that we are facing the present crises. We understand that we have to fight on all levels and have to adopt strategies so that maximum pressure is exerted on the forces of occupation, but we have to give preference to strategies, which are more acceptable to the international community. By this I mean that we put more emphasis on dialogue.

There is growing tendency in the world to resolve differences through continued negotiations, and the realization that decisions imposed by sheer force of power do not provide lasting peace and stability. Apart from that we must realize that Iraq is not the only country that has control of our motherland. We must adopt appropriate strategies that the areas under Turkey, Iran and Syria are also part of the freedom struggle. We can not be too complacent when it comes to raising the matters within Iraq. We must be bold enough to call a spade a spade. If we do not adopt an appropriate strategy to meet the needs of the freedom struggle, the world community would regard this as a territorial disintegration or a fight against neighboring countries. It is time for the adjacent governments to include the issue of Kurdistan in the top of their agenda whenever dialogue with our president takes place. Our president should take the lead to introduce the charter of independence for Kurdistan in the United Nations upcoming sessions.

There is a need that the referendum shall be supervised by the United Nations in order that the result will be acceptable to all parties. Common sense dictates that the unstable and newly- formed-government cannot be credible to conduct or supervise such political exercise. The UN is the best body to oversee the referendum to ensure that whatever will be the result will be respected by all parties and implemented. If there is a need, the UN can organize its force to disarm.

We appeal to all the Kurdish people to go to the polls on the referendum day and say" Yes" to independence for Kurdistan. Independence is the best practicable, peaceful, equitable, honorable, democratic and permanent solution to our national cause. The right of national self-determination is the fundamental and unconditional right of our nation to determine our own future, free of any outside interference or coercion. This right includes the right of our nation to form our own independent state if we so choose, the right to determine our political status and freely pursue our economic, social and cultural development, the right to protect and preserve our culture and way of life and finally the right to reclaim our lost freedom and independence.

PARTITIONING IRAQ IS THE BEST WAY OUT

Baqi Barzani

At the crumbling of Ottoman Empire, the Kurds totaling 40 millions, colonized in the territory of southern Turkey, northern Iraq and western Iran were isolated by four national boundaries. An abrupt structure was stage-managed to serve the political intents of the imposing powers lacking the reflections of its citizens. In the Treaty of Sevres, which carved up the Ottoman Empire after World War I, Kurds right for nation-state independence was trampled upon. In contrast to most analysts, the Kurdish aspirations for independence existed prior to the creation of artificial Iraq with its capricious margin sketch. The incessant humiliation, containment and privation only expedited the course of nationalistic reaction. Since last century, a series of partisan revolts had effect in the history of Iraq but all were quelled forcefully due to inattention and absconding of the Allies. From the very groundwork, the various ethnic and religious factions were held together by abysmal force and authoritarian rule. The Kurds are never inclined to bow out their political, cultural and historical demands and steadily discern independence as their legitimate and national right. The Iraqi new constitution endorses the partition of Iraq into three disparate entities, in addition.

It is indisputably and ultimately up to the Iraqi people to freely determine their political destiny through democratic means and intellectual capacity and without any coercion or foreign intervention. If the people of Iraq deem the concept of carving up Iraq along sectarian lines as the best way out, the U.S., Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Iran should not enforce their own agendas.

In consistent to the referendum, 99% of Kurds marked their ballots for independence. If U.S. chants empathy and advocates democracy, then it should act in the common interests of Iraqi people not the adjoining countries. The bordering nations should also value the logic of Iraqi people as regards: sovereignty, independence, fragmentation or national unity of Iraq as well as the relevance of the principles of non-interference in internal affairs. The Kurds have already demonstrated their ability to govern their own affairs and modernized the de facto independent Kurdistan for the last decade into economic affluence and model democratic society. Critics voicing discord to the partitioning of Iraq are not enough cognizant about the extent of bullying, ethnic cleansing, mass murder, devastation and pressure inflicted upon the Kurds in North and Shiites population in South for decades by the repetitive Arab tyrants, totalitarian and one-party regimes.

American costly war is causing more human causalities and followed by strong skepticism inside and outside. If the state of affairs persists, threat of a civil war among Iraq's major religious and ethnic groups - the Sunni the Shiites and the Kurds is inevitable and multi-fold pricey to American government. Partitioning Iraq along ethnic lines to wrap up the long-standing tension between Kurds, Sunni and Shiites is viable and in consistent to the desires of the greater part of Iraqi people.

Independence no longer an impossible dream

By Qubad Talabani WASHINGTON, DC

While the Kurds continue to reaffirm their commitment to ensuring victory in Iraq, and to assure their American friends and neighbors that they will not break away from Iraq, they cannot be so sure that Iraq won't break away from them. Would you blame them for going their own way?

Optimism is a force multiplier, or so they say. On 15 December, 2005, most following or involved in rebuilding Iraq were optimistic, if not ecstatic. In unprecedented fashion, millions of Iraqis, from all walks of life braved the threats from terrorists and voted to determine their destiny. However, for many of us who woke up optimistic on 16 December, reality is beginning to settle and we are starting to question our optimism.

Despite the efforts of the Kurdish leadership, several months after the elections, we still have no government, and sectarian violence continues. Iraq is polarizing, and has been for many decades. The mere fact that 87 percent of the voters in December voted along ethnic or sectarian lines highlights a new reality: Iraq today stands divided; divided among communities who find it difficult to reach beyond their ethnic or sectarian boundaries to come up with a national strategy that deals with the challenges that lay ahead. This division is to some the doomsday scenario; the balkanization of Iraq.

Ethnic and sectarian tensions have plagued Iraq since its founding. While nostalgic Iraqis from a bygone era will talk about the good old days, few Shiite Iraqis (Diaspora excluded) may talk of such a peaceful co-existence, very few Kurds, if any, will. Given the lack of a political order, and a trusted security apparatus, Arabs in Iraq are increasingly defining themselves as Shiite or Sunnis. They feel that it will be their sectarian affiliation that will protect them, not the State of Iraq. This polarization is the result of the failure of Iraq, since its inception, to rule justly; a failure culminating with Saddam Hussein. No one has done more harm to Iraq's unity and identity than Saddam. This will be the legacy he leaves behind. While there may be many to blame for today's polarization, one cannot blame the Kurds.

Kurdish leaders have contributed more to the cause of a united Iraq than any other. During the many deliberations over the past three years, it has been the Kurdish leadership consistently brokering agreements between the perpetually bickering Sunnis and Shiites. Kurds have led the effort to ensure that all communities remain fully engaged in the political process by seeking to enshrine the doctrine of "consensus and compromise" while upholding the protection of citizens' civil liberties. The Kurds, the so-called "separatists" ironically, are those fighting hardest to save Iraq. Will we succeed in creating trust between Iraq's community leaders? Can the Kurds continue to engage Sunnis and Shiites before the increasing sectarian violence escalates into civil war?

Given the obstacles forming a national unity government, and the spate of sectarian violence following the terrorist attack against the Askari mosque in Samarra, optimism is hard to muster. But all may not be lost. Recognizing that for western policy makers, and Iraqi intellectuals, this reality of failing to create an ethnic-less or sectarian-less Iraq is a bitter pill to swallow; acknowledging, and more importantly, navigating this reality, could result in the only possible way that "Victory in Iraq" could be attained. Enshrining the federal solution outlined in Iraq's permanent constitution, which allows for the creation of strong regions, loosely held together by a central government with clearly defined competencies; and coming up with tangible mechanisms for equitably distribution of the country's oil wealth, could be the only way of addressing the insecurities of Iraq's three main communities while ensuring Iraq remain a unified country.

Even Sunni Arabs, long time opponents of federalism, are starting to see its merits, as they understand that it could be their only protection against the imposition of policies by a Shiite-led central government. Division in Iraq however may not necessarily come as a result of a political compromise, rather through the escalation of sectarian violence, leading to a full scale civil war. In the case of a civil war; where communities fight one and-other and the state institutions break down, we can expect the end of Iraq as we know it. In such a scenario, the Kurdish leadership must protect the hard earned gains we have achieved over the past 15 years.

We must defend our citizens from domestic and international threats. We must continue to improve on our governance and work hard to garner the support of our population. We must prevent Kirkuk from falling into chaos, and into the hands of anti-democratic forces. But the biggest challenge would be to do all this while keeping the support of the United States, and alleviating the fears and concerns of our neighbors. Such a scenario, while at this stage unlikely, could be possible if we fail to bring about a government of national unity - a true national unity, not a phony unity that ignores the reality of Iraq's ethnic and sectarian make-up, or if we have another major attack on a revered holy site. While we must continue to pursue our current path to build a federal democracy in Iraq, it would be unwise not to prepare for every eventuality; for a civil war will undoubtedly lead to the break-up of the country.

Therefore we must begin to break the taboo and address the possibility of Kurdish independence. While we continue to reaffirm our commitment to ensuring victory in Iraq, and assure our American friends, and our brothers in our neighborhood that we will not break away from Iraq, we cannot be so sure that Iraq won't break away from us. If that were to happen, given all that we have done to try to keep the country unified, no one should blame us for going our own way.

The writer is KRG representative in Washington, DC.

Obviously you have not visited former Yugoslavia to see the disaster that continues. It is more than 10 years since the Dayton Agreement was signed and NATO troops are still struggling to keep people from killing each other. There are many mixed families and dual "nationals" such as Serbs and Croats with both passport. But they have difficulty in claiming their property (say a Serb's beach house in Croatia). Finally, the the Yugoslavs have a long tradition of their kingdom as a nation going back 10 centuries. Iraq is not even 100 years old and, unlike Yugoslavia, Iraqis are mostly muslim.