Ali Ettefagh at PostGlobal

Ali Ettefagh

Tehran, Iran

Dr. Ali Ettefagh serves as a director of Highmore Global Corporation, an investment company in emerging markets of Eastern Europe, CIS, and the Middle East. He is the co-author of several books on trade conflict, resolution of international trade disputes, conflicts in letters of credit, trade-related banking transactions, sovereign debt, arbitration and dispute resolutions and publications specific to the oil and gas, communication, aviation and finance sectors. Dr. Ettefagh is a member of the executive committee and the board of directors of The Development Foundation, an advisor to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, and an advisor to a number of European companies. Dr. Ettefagh speaks Persian (Farsi), English, German, French, Spanish, Italian, Arabic and Turkish. Close.

Ali Ettefagh

Tehran, Iran

Dr. Ali Ettefagh serves as a director of Highmore Global Corporation, an investment company in emerging markets of Eastern Europe, CIS, and the Middle East. more »

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Recognize the Shiite Nation

Tehran, Iran - All wars must end. The United States must face reality in Iraq and announce a scheduled withdrawal. This move must be accompanied by several others actions in order to achieve stability.

The United States must decide whether it is genuinely committed to changing the political fabric of the Middle East or whether it would be content to have that old, repressive Sunni regime return. If Uncle Sam's choice is real democracy, it ought to be realistic. The U.S. must face the indisputable fact that the Shiites in the region behave democratically whilst Sunnis, by in large, don't. Sunnis' record of democratic actions is sparse and unacceptable.

Iranians, Lebanese Shiites and most recently, the Palestinians, are the only regional examples of democracies, though admittedly they all have a short track record. Each group went to the ballot box and then respected the results that came back to them. Freshly released from decades of repression, Iraqi Shiites showed political maturity when fielding their candidates and political groups. The only notable exception was the Sadr Brigade that essentially acted as an instrument of agitation for Mr. Chalabi, a close friend of influential Republican advisors in Washington.

A reformulated U.S. policy in the region must recognize the Shiites democratic successes. 27-years without talking to Iran has yielded nothing for the U.S. except a mess of failed sanction regimes. Meanwhile, the United States has been unable to form its own opinion of Shiite political realities. Skewed input from Israelis and Sunni Arabs have misled America. These Sunni Arabs have no desire to embrace political reform.

As part of a withdrawal plan, the United States must first accept Iraq as the Arab Shiite state it is. Iraq's 4 million Kurdish minorities have done so and are sharing power.

Next, a genuine investment program must be implemented. Iraq's brittle economy must be kept from disintegration. Military operations should be replaced by Peace Corps operations. A massive reconstruction team should gracefully show the other face of American power, economic might. This will appear in a positive light. Such actions might prolong America's presence in Iraq, but for better ends. America must learn at the same time to tolerate an independently minded Iraq that no longer capitulates to the U.S.' whims.

Change will require a delicate balancing act of providing aid and permitting autonomy. But am I being too hopeful? Would the occupiers really let democracy prevail in Iraq?

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