Ali Ettefagh at PostGlobal

Ali Ettefagh

Tehran, Iran

Dr. Ali Ettefagh serves as a director of Highmore Global Corporation, an investment company in emerging markets of Eastern Europe, CIS, and the Middle East. He is the co-author of several books on trade conflict, resolution of international trade disputes, conflicts in letters of credit, trade-related banking transactions, sovereign debt, arbitration and dispute resolutions and publications specific to the oil and gas, communication, aviation and finance sectors. Dr. Ettefagh is a member of the executive committee and the board of directors of The Development Foundation, an advisor to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, and an advisor to a number of European companies. Dr. Ettefagh speaks Persian (Farsi), English, German, French, Spanish, Italian, Arabic and Turkish. Close.

Ali Ettefagh

Tehran, Iran

Dr. Ali Ettefagh serves as a director of Highmore Global Corporation, an investment company in emerging markets of Eastern Europe, CIS, and the Middle East. more »

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Return to the World Community

Tehran, Iran - First, accept "political Islam" as a reality in the region. Second, create a supreme international arbitration panel and call for an immediate ceasefire.

The region, including Israel, has tilted to hardened religious politics. The Israeli Shas, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, Dawa in Iraq, Hezbollah and Hamas are all indigenous political groups with strong religious influence.

Sheikh Nassrallah may be a secret follower of Col. Jamal Nasser's bold steps a half century ago. Nasser bolstered Pan Arabism as a secular search for social justice and a stance against colonial powers when he nationalized the Suez Canal. Although Nasser controlled the canal, the nationalization was aimed at Arab nationalist emotions. That led to a Security Council resolution on free passage of ships and Nasser deemed it as assurance against invasion. However, within 90 days, Israel occupied the Sinai and British and French forces entered the Canal Zone. The Eisenhower government insisted on the presence of a UN force while the Soviet Union issued a demand for a withdrawal of all foreign forces. The trio complied within 10 days and the Suez Crisis ended.

The regional search for social justice continues. Hezbollah and Hamas, like the IRA and Sinn Fein, maintain parallel political and armed wings to ensure that their people and their ideas are not marginalized. All Iraqi groups, including the Kurds and the Turkomen have the same structure.

Dialogue and critical debate on an even ground always leads to end of violence and are essential in engaging "political Islam." The Good Friday Agreement in Dublin and Oslo prove this.

My second suggestion follows Eisenhower's formula. The engagement of Iran by the UN Five plus Germany is a working model. This format can call upon Brazil, India, Japan and South Africa to form a supreme arbitration panel in the Middle East. Their mandate must be enforced under the threat of tough sanctions and the loss sovereignty (as a UN protectorate). No panel member should have a right to veto and the panel must be obliged to finalize all issues within 5 years. The panel must impose an immediate and unconditional ceasefire.

Both suggestions need grand leaps of thought in Washington and London. However, and regardless of its outcome, it will help repair America's wrecked credibility and, perhaps, end the violence in Iraq. It is time for Washington and London to return to the world community.

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