The most fundamental problem in U.S.-Muslim world relations today is our inability to view current events through the prism of historical, socio-political, and-economic conditions in the region, such as the history of colonialism or the reality of authoritarianism in the Middle East.
When it comes to the Muslim world, there is a dogged insistence among policy makers and the American public alike to view Islam itself as the source of current tensions between the U.S. and the Muslim world. The most dangerous aspect of this illogical premise that blames Islam for the tensions and violence in the Muslim world is that it paints a picture that is inaccurate, bleak and hopeless.
The maxim I hear far too often goes something like this: If the Muslim world’s frustration with the West stems from its incompatibility with Western values and modernity, if it stems from Muslims’ obstinate refusal to embrace universal notions of democracy, human rights and gender equity, then there is no hope for them. There is nothing we can do for them except advise them to reform their religion.
Not only does this cultural dependency theory reek of religious bigotry, but this faulty analysis leads us to ignore political and socio-economic grievances that fuel anger and resentment towards the West. In fact, a recent poll by Gallup demonstrates that anti-Americanism in the Muslim world is not driven by hatred of U.S. values, but hatred of U.S. policies in the region, which can be addressed without compromising U.S. interests in the region. In fact, nothing would better serve U.S. security interests in the Muslim world than to address and alleviate the widespread legitimate grievances of millions living in Palestine, Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, Somalia, Pakistan, and Lebanon, as the list continues to expand.
What exacerbated the national crisis in the aftermath of 9/11, in my humble opinion, was the failure of policymakers to ask the right questions, to explore the historical, socio-political, and economic landscape of the Middle East and to ask the question ‘Why?’ In fact, any attempt by a small number of academics to walk in that direction was mis-equated with sympathy towards the terrorists. We were not allowed to ask ‘Why did this occur?’ but only ‘Why do they hate us?’
Thus, in the political and social landscape, the verdict had been predetermined that the terrorists were driven by their deep-seated hatred and intolerance of Western values of democracy, liberty and freedom. This final verdict allowed no room for intellectual debate or for the presentation of an alternative narrative, for what reasonable policy could one pursue towards people who hate you, who want to change your way of life, except for a policy of war and retribution?
As a Muslim American who belongs to both parts of the world, I feel a compelling sense of responsibility to expose the intellectual bankruptcy of the theory of the “clash of civilizations.” There is no clash of civilizations. There is only the reality of facts on the ground, which is that people living in the Middle East want some respite; they want a chance to breathe without wondering whether their kids will come home from school maimed or dead; they want sovereignty and the right to govern themselves. They want justice and equality, not a corrupt system where nepotism and bribery are people’s only credentials into office. They want to live a life of dignity, away from the security checkpoints, curfews and the daily humiliations that comprise their everyday existence.
The truth is that people of all walks of life have the same aspirations, whether they’re Israeli or Palestinian; Serbian or Bosnian; Iraqi or American. A fifth of the world’s population is not aspiring to destroy America or its values; they are simply aspiring to survive and build a life where their children can dream bigger dreams than the destruction they see around them. The sooner we heed voices of moderation and come to understand this reality, the better the world will fare for the rest of us.
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