Entries from SAIS Next Europe tagged with 'United States'
Exposing NATO's Weaknesses in Afghanistan
Allied efforts in Afghanistan are in danger of failing. Attacks against coalition forces are increasing; the economy remains largely undeveloped, with the dubious exception of poppy production; indigenous Afghan police and military forces still require the strong support of allied forces; and government corruption is rampant. Afghanistan is by nature a difficult country to stabilize, but the reality is that the coalition waging the war is in a fractured state.
New Security for America, via Europe
The Obama administration's creation of a new Cyber Czar position is the latest indication that a new emphasis on societal security is taking the place of America's old narrow-minded focus on terrorism. The Czar position breaks down the artificial divide between national security and homeland security, effectively invalidating a major anti-terrorism paradigm dominant since 9/11. Combined with a renewed emphasis on dealing with climate threats, the new position indicates a new direction for the U.S. - and not a day too soon. Now it's time to partner with Europe to continue that progress.
Obama Strikes A European Balance
President Obama has already graced Europe with his presence more than any other continent - and he'll continue that record with upcoming trips to the D-Day anniversary in Normandy, as well as Buchenwald, Dresden and the G8 meeting in Italy,.He has also addressed issues dear to Europeans' hearts:closing Guantanamo, scheduling the troop withdrawal from Iraq, banning torture.
Nevertheless, those expecting a transatlantic love affair will be disappointed. Considering that "Obamania" did not translate into more troops for Afghanistan, a global stimulus spending spree, tougher sanctions against Iran, or even accepting Uighur prisoners, Europe should prepare for a U.S. administration whose policies will be characterized by more pragmatism and less emotion.
Shield of Dreams
The shift in the Obama administration's policy suggesting a freeze in deployment of the ballistic missile defense system in Poland and the Czech Republic has rekindled the debate in the two Central European countries about their future security relations with the United States.
Proponents claim that the suspension of the deployment, together with Obama's attempt to press the "reset button" in U.S.-Russian relations, undermines the security of the region. Opponents suggest that the decision on whether to base elements of a missile defense shield in Central Europe is an internal U.S. matter, and that abandoning the Bush policy could in fact enhance stability in this part of Europe by eliminating a thorny issue in relations with Russia. Moreover, even though the Polish and Czech governments signed on to the plan, neither the Polish nor the Czech parliament has yet to ratify the agreement, and popular opinion is strongly opposed.
Transatlantic Leadership: Restart International Trade
As the economic crisis continues, feelings on both sides of the Atlantic have been hurt.
Americans are accusing European countries of not doing enough to stimulate demand while Europeans are dismayed that the U.S. is unwilling to implement regulations to prevent such a crisis from happening again. I do not foresee an easy solution to these disputes. However, leaders on both sides of the Atlantic can look beyond such disagreements and focus on an area where they can make substantial progress: trade.
The Doha Trade round was initiated in 2001 to cut tariffs and other barriers to trade within the WTO framework. After a number of attempts, negotiations stalled in 2008 and there has been little progress since. The key point of disagreement is agricultural supports, particularly within the U.S. and EU. Along with the EU, some developing countries seek a significant cut in American price-distorting agricultural support while the U.S. wants a reduction in tariff barriers in the EU and developing countries. However, negotiating positions have converged in the last seven years and the major ingredient now lacking is political will.
Managing Missile Defense's Demise
Obama's "secret letter to Russia" path could destroy NATO cohesion and undermine pro-Americanism where it is still strong.
By Jan Jires
The U.S. missile defense project has always been a divisive issue both at home and abroad. Domestic critics of the project, which the Bush administration vigorously promoted, have questioned the technical feasibility of the proposed system as well as its cost-effectiveness.
Many critics abroad have been preoccupied with broader political implications of the project. They worry that the delicate parity between the leading nuclear powers and the resulting situation of "mutually assured destruction" established during the Cold War will be ruined by a missile defense system, and that the planned deployment of the system's components on the territory of Central European NATO allies will irritate Russia. It is rather ironic that they have succeeded in presenting their opposition to missile defense as a rejection of the "Cold War logic of arms race" and in accusing the supporters of the project of "Cold War mentality".
The Obama administration is, of course, entitled to review the project it inherited and to evaluate its technical feasibility, economic sensibility and political desirability. It should, however, be aware of the fact that the debate about the project has long ago ceased to focus on its declared purpose (protecting the U.S. and NATO from missiles coming from unstable countries in the Middle East and Asia) and has been transformed into a game heavily charged with political symbolism.
What Europe and America Each Teach
The most unforeseen merit of studying at Johns Hopkins' campus in Bologna, Italy is that of becoming conscious of the hidden pitfalls of both American academia and the Italian way of life. I say hidden pitfalls because the darker sides of a rigorous, world-class education in one of Europe's most culturally rich locations are exposed more fully then ever when these two worlds overlap and most powerfully, when they collide.
A New Model for Foreign Aid
A sign in the lobby of the British government's Department for International Development (DFID) bears the following bold motto: "Leading the British Government's fight against world poverty."
Since 1997, the UK Department for International Development (DFID) has emerged as a top-rated international development organization. The decision to focus on the single goal of fighting poverty is one reason for its success. At the same time, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has grown weaker. Major aid initiatives have been set up outside of USAID, the U.S. military is shouldering a growing share of development and reconstruction work overseas, and a shrinking staff has forced USAID to rely more on private contractors to carry out its work. In reaction to this trend, some American aid experts have called for creating a strengthened, cabinet-level development department, and suggested that DFID could serve as a model.
China Manipulates, Europe Wins
Tim Geithner, the newly confirmed U.S. Treasury Secretary, ruffled feathers in Beijing and raised eyebrows across the Atlantic with a statement at his confirmation hearing that China has been "manipulating" its currency to gain an unfair advantage in export markets. Geithner's comments were received with predictable hostility in Beijing, but more interesting was the lukewarm response from across the Atlantic--given the European Union's own large current account deficit with China.
A spokesperson for the EU's monetary and economic affairs commissioner simply commented that "exchange rates should reflect economic fundamentals. That's all we wish to say." In other words, despite tough talk on China last year, the EU prefers not to touch this one.
Europe's American Obstacle: Republicans in Decline
Unfortunately for Europe, the biggest obstacle standing in the way of the greatest reversal in modern U.S.-European relations is a Republican Party on the decline. Lacking a coherent strategy for explaining and justifying the Bush Doctrine, the last option for the party in shambles is obstruction and taking on their favorite bête noir and the future face of U.S. diplomacy, Hillary Clinton. Fresh off the auto-bailout filibuster, the National Republican Committee will be holding "soul-searching" sessions this month to discuss platform issues and the future of the party. A successful block of a coordinated U.S. financial bailout with Europe, and an Obama fumble in his first foreign policy test, may just be what the GOP is looking for.
In Climate Stalemate, An Energy Opportunity
During recent climate talks in Poznan, Poland, several players made public statements that lowered the bar on what could be achieved during the coming year. The United Nations' top climate chief, Yvo de Boer, said he doubted a new treaty could be achieved by next year's deadline to replace the Kyoto Protocol after it expires in 2012. He emphasized aiming for a "robust political agreement" instead.
That may sound discouraging to some, but it could also be an opportunity for the Obama administration to reorient the transatlantic dialogue on climate change toward the energy technology revolution we will ultimately need to deal with this challenge in a meaningful way.
Turkey's Offer to Mediate Iran/US Conflicts
Could Turkey help mediate longstanding U.S./Iran conflicts over Israel and Iran's nuclear ambitions? Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan wants to try -- but the Obama administration may be less likely to give him a chance because of comments Erdogan made recently in Washington.
"Turkey wants to be the mediator between the new Obama administration and Iran, using its growing role in the Middle East to bridge the divide between East and West," Erdogan told the New York Times on November 9.
But on November 14 at the Brookings Institution, Erdogan suggested that Iran's desire for nuclear weapons was "normal for any country" and that countries with such weapons should consider getting rid of them -- a position at odds with both Turkish and NATO policy and unlikely to convince the Obama administration that Erdogan would be a useful go between.
Let Americans Celebrate Transformation
Like many fellow expats, I've felt especially European in the past eight years. And like many, I've felt especially American in the past two weeks. In 2008--for the first time in ten leap years--I returned to the U.S. to celebrate an election on U Street in Washington, DC. And from this vantage point, I beg to differ from my German (and British) friends.
Yes, they caught the excitement. And yes, the Germans personally backed Obama by a greater margin than Massachusetts. But the sophisticated Brits arched their eyebrows, wondering if No Drama Obama could ever be tough enough. (After he beat the Clintons at their own game?) And chattering-class Germans first reached a consensus half a year ago that it didn't make much difference who won this election; either way, they would be asked to send more troops to Afghanistan. (No difference on Guantanamo? On the torture that McCain endured as a hero, opposed as a maverick, and finally tolerated as a candidate?) Then on Nov. 5 the German commentators concluded that after ratcheting our expectations so high, we're all bound to be disappointed.
I suppose I should chalk this up to the difference between Americans' instrumental "yes we can" optimism and Germans' instrumental "the sky is falling" pessimism. Americans plunge into crises to cope by trial and error. See, for example, the Republicans' embrace of not only big, but humongous government in the financial meltdown. Germans, by contrast, worry about looming crises for years in advance and then chip away at cumulative remedies in the interim before the thereby diminished doomsday hits. See, sort of, their enthusiasm for fighting climate change.
Well, OK. We need both approaches. That's what our transatlantic alliance is for. It's supposed to avoid both deadlock and the lowest common denominator and find a synergy of contrary wisdoms that is more than the sum of the alliance's parts. But don't expect the New World to be disillusioned quite as fast as the Old. After an election campaign that for once needed to last this long to test John McCain's steadiness, Barack Obama's learning curve, and voters' racial maturity, we need a little more time to find our new equilibrium. Grant us at least until January 20 to dance on the tables of the U Street bars, savor this closure of our civil war, and name a fresh crop of babies Barack.
After all, transformation doesn't come every leapyear.
Elizabeth Pond is a Berlin-based author, journalist, and non-resident Senior Fellow at the SAIS Center for Transatlantic Relations.
A European Stroll Through Today's Manhattan
1) Nomen est omen: When the Lehman Brothers donated $5 million for the expansion of the NYU Downtown Hospital's emergency room in 2003, the investment bank certainly did not think that itself could become a case for emergency treatment one day. Lehman Brothers field the largest bankruptcy in U.S. history in September 2008, and its different subsidiaries have been acquired by Barclays and Nomura Holdings.
2) Countdown for the presidential elections. With democratic candidate Barack Obama having become a pop icon, a store in New York holds a "Obama Sale."
Photo credit: Susanne Harsch
Choose-Your-Own Exceptionalism
In a recent Wall Street Journal op-ed, Iraq war cheerleader Fouad Ajami argues that Obama's foreign policy marks "the sharpest break yet with the national consensus... over American exceptionalism." The problem with Ajami's argument is that there is no such consensus.
Europe's Military Leadership Gap
In their two debates so far, Senators McCain and Obama have made but shallow references to America's European allies. The focus of the first discussion was U.S. foreign and security policy: the candidates exchanged views on Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Russia and China. Neither of them, however, mentioned the EU, nor did they sketch their visions of the future of trans-Atlantic relations. Why is that?
McCain Falls Plainly on Spain
It was no "Bomb-bomb-bomb, bomb-bomb Iran," but John McCain recently committed another embarrassing foreign policy gaffe - this one with Spain. First he appeared not to know that Spain was in Europe, not Latin America, and to mix up Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero with the Zapatistas. Then foreign policy advisor Randy Scheunemann said McCain had indeed refused to commit to meeting with Zapatero. Spain is not only one of Europe's largest economies, but it is a NATO ally with troops in Afghanistan. Perhaps McCain was tired. He certainly knows where Spain is: he is a U.S. Senator, after all, and he knocked out half the country's electricity when his plane hit some power lines back in the 1960s.
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